Despite being in a “slump,” democracy shows vivid signs of its persisting appeal.
Volume 31, Issue 1
Democracies are grappling with an era of transformation: Identity is increasingly replacing economics as the major axis of world politics. Technological change has deepened social fragmentation, and trust in institutions is falling. As our most basic assumptions come under question, can liberal democracy rebuild itself?
Is liberal democracy the endpoint of history? The ongoing democratic recession, growing disaffection among citizens, and rising populism pose new challenges to this view. Yet testing Francis Fukuyama’s much-criticized thesis requires us to consider not only liberal democracy’s internal contradictions, but also those of its authoritarian rivals.
There is still an opportunity to pull the world out of its democratic slump. What is most needed is democratic conviction and resolve.
In recent years competitive authoritarianism has emerged in some countries with relatively strong democratic traditions and institutions.
Illiberalism can drive away a country’s young people, and with them the future.
Robert Michels’s classic work on the “iron law of oligarchy” can help us to understand why there is so much dissatisfaction with representative democracy.
Anticorruption has become universally accepted as a norm; that may tell us something about why it struggles in practice.
The mass protests that have taken place in 2019 in Hong Kong and elsewhere show that people’s desire for liberty cannot be extinguished.
It is imperative to rethink how democracy support fits into today’s turbulent and threatening international political landscape.
Democratic societies must address the spread of technology developed in authoritarian settings while continuing to uphold democratic norms.
Russia has made the “Ukrainian question” central, even as Kyiv tries desperately to escape Moscow’s embrace.
To grasp why post-Mao China’s remarkable economic development has not aided democracy, we must look first at the policies of top Chinese leaders.
Why do East and Southeast Asia’s autocracies enjoy more support from their publics than do the region’s democracies?
Iran is in the midst of an ideological crisis. Growing numbers of Iranians are rejecting the religious underpinnings of the Supreme Leader’s rule, and turning their backs on the Islamic Republic. The regime’s only response is harsher repression—a response that will deepen the anger that is bringing everyday Iranians out into the streets.
Demonstrators in Algeria and Sudan have drawn on the experiences of earlier Arab protest movements in their efforts to push for lasting change.
The country’s hold on electoral democracy is firm, but its claim still to be a liberal democracy is increasingly dubious.
A review of This Is Not Propaganda: Adventures in the War Against Reality by Peter Pomerantsev.
Reports on elections in Afghanistan, Algeria, Argentina, Belarus, Bolivia, Botswana, Dominica, Guinea-Bissau, Kiribati, Kosovo, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Poland, Romania, Sri Lanka, Tunisia, Uruguay, Uzbekistan.
Excerpts from: a statement by a group of NGOs on China; a speech by former prime minister of Moldova Maia Sandu; a speech by Ethiopian prime minister Abiy Ahmed; an open letter calling for free and fair elections in Russia.
Thirtieth Anniversary of Polish Democracy; Forum 2000 Conference; Sixteenth Annual Lipset Lecture; Awards to Ilham Tohti; Vladimir Bukovsky (1942–2019); Reporters Without Borders Prize; NED’s International Forum.